According to this long research-reporting article in Newsweek, even babies discriminate HatTip to reader Hube. A few but only a few examples: Five families in the last group abruptly quit the study. Yet once they were aware that the study required talking openly about race, they started dropping out.
What's a parent to do? In Birgitte Vittrup recruited from the database about a hundred families, all of whom were Caucasian with a child 5 to 7 years old. The goal of Vittrup's study was to learn if typical children's videos with multicultural storylines have any beneficial effect on children's racial attitudes.
Her first step was to give the children a Racial Attitude Measure, which asked See baby discriminate summary questions as: How many White people are nice? Almost all A lot Some Not many None During the test, the descriptive adjective "nice" was replaced with more than 20 other adjectives, like "dishonest," "pretty," "curious," and "snobby.
In truth, Vittrup didn't expect that children's racial attitudes would change very much just from watching these videos. Prior research had shown that multicultural curricula in schools have far less impact than we intend them to—largely because the implicit message "We're all friends" is too vague for young children to understand that it refers to skin color.
Yet Vittrup figured explicit conversations with parents could change that. So a second group of families got the videos, and Vittrup told these parents to use them as the jumping-off point for a discussion about interracial friendship.
She provided a checklist of points to make, echoing the shows' themes. The last third were also given the checklist of topics, but no videos. These parents were to discuss racial equality on their own, every night for five nights. At this point, something interesting happened.
Five families in the last group abruptly quit the study. Two directly told Vittrup, "We don't want to have these conversations with our child.
We don't want to point out skin color. Yet once they were aware that the study required talking openly about race, they started dropping out.
It was no surprise that in a liberal city like Austin, every parent was a welcoming multiculturalist, embracing diversity. But according to Vittrup's entry surveys, hardly any of these white parents had ever talked to their children directly about race.
They might have asserted vague principles—like "Everybody's equal" or "God made all of us" or "Under the skin, we're all the same"—but they'd almost never called attention to racial differences.
They wanted their children to grow up colorblind. But Vittrup's first test of the kids revealed they weren't colorblind at all. Asked how many white people are mean, these children commonly answered, "Almost none.
More disturbing, Vittrup also asked all the kids a very blunt question: Vittrup hoped the families she'd instructed to talk about race would follow through.
After watching the videos, the families returned to the Children's Research Lab for retesting. To Vittrup's complete surprise, the three groups of children were statistically the same—none, as a group, had budged very much in their racial attitudes. At first glance, the study was a failure.
Combing through the parents' study diaries, Vittrup realized why. Diary after diary revealed that the parents barely mentioned the checklist items. Many just couldn't talk about race, and they quickly reverted to the vague "Everybody's equal" phrasing. Of all those Vittrup told to talk openly about interracial friendship, only six families managed to actually do so.
And, for all six, their children dramatically improved their racial attitudes in a single week. Talking about race was clearly key. Reflecting later about the study, Vittrup said, "A lot of parents came to me afterwards and admitted they just didn't know what to say to their kids, and they didn't want the wrong thing coming out of the mouth of their kids.
The question is, do we make it worse, or do we make it better, by calling attention to race? The election of President Barack Obama marked the beginning of a new era in race relations in the United States—but it didn't resolve the question as to what we should tell children about race. Many parents have explicitly pointed out Obama's brown skin to their young children, to reinforce the message that anyone can rise to become a leader, and anyone—regardless of skin color—can be a friend, be loved, and be admired.SUMMARY WORK: “See Baby Discriminate” onology: Research & article claims pp.
Page 1 Page 2 Page 3 Page 4 ents & teachers: s tolerance” 1. Citation: 2. Citation: 3. Citation: 4. Citation: Directions: (1.) On the left, list the claims that the article and. See Baby Discriminate timberdesignmag.com See Baby Discriminate timberdesignmag.com Sign In.
Jul 02, · They see the difference but people are uncomfortable actually talking to them about the difference. I have only done a super brief summary with almost none of the back-up information that the article has. TIA. Report 0 Reply to Post.
Re: See Baby Discriminate. lilbit member.
Children can, for example, see the difference between the colours pink and blue. However, from a very young age, they are told that pink is for girls and blue for boys.
Sep 14, · Newsweek: See Baby Discriminate This Just In. They wanted their children to grow up colorblind. But Vittrup's first test of the kids revealed they weren't colorblind at all.
Nov 14, · This article is about when the appropriate time to discuss skin color with children. According to various studies, children will automatically categorize people based on their color and are more likely to associate with others of the “same skin as theirs” unless spoken to about race at an early age.